Colección: La Educación
Número: (116) III
1. Even discussions of socialist democracy, which focus on the redefinition of the mode of production and thus pay attention to actions of workers and their organized demands against capitalists and the state, have eluded the question of less obviously political events occurring at the interpersonal level. For a detailed account of mainstream and neo-Marxist discussion of democracy and the role of the state in it, see Carnoy (1984).
2. In this regard it is worth noting that in the U.S., reputedly one of the strongest Western democracies, beating ones wife was not a crime until 1977.
3. The cities were Bogota, San Jose, Panama, Lima-Callao, and Caracas (CEPAL 1984).
4. Recent USAID initiatives include incorporating the teaching of democratic values into school curricula (USAID 1990). The same initiatives will be conducted in cooperation with states that support patriarchal norms. It would appear that objectives seeking value changes, but which do not incorporate groups that are involved in significant cultural struggle for redefinition of social identities, will be futile.
5. Canada is one of the leading countries in introducing the discussion of violence (e.g., rape, wife battering, child abuse) in public education. Illustrative of the work being conducted in this area is the document Violence Prevention Materials in the Schools. A National Listing (The Manitoba Womens Directorate 1992), which lists about 185 curriculum units, books, movies, and related teaching materials.
6. Both Max Weber and Joseph Schumpeter, for instance, present normative elements in their discussion of democratic models. Contemporary social theory, influenced by the critical school of sociology and feminism, is also sensitive to normative considerations.
7. The path-breaking study by Rosaldo and Lamphere (1974) made the observation that societies which valued the involvement of both men and women in the home tended to be most egalitarian in terms of sex roles. Mainstream political scientists have also argued that democratic institutions need support from lower levels of society. Dahl (1961) and Almond and Verba (1963) held that democracy drew its support and stability from widespread value consensus regarding the basic rules of political life. The difference between their argument and mine is that I argue that this value consensus is developed through actual democratic practices in micro-level social settings such as the family.
8. I owe this thought to Sylvester Whitaker, Afro-American political scientist and director of the USC Center for Multiethnic and Transnational Studies.
9. In this respect one must be warned that while some writings on women and development describe three policy approaches by national governments and donor agenciesequity, efficiency, and empowerment (a typology derived from Moser 1989)empowerment should not be conceptualized as a goal but rather as a process with democratization objectives (Stromquist 1992b).